OCR
Responses 1- In Hungarian 2 - In English 3-Inboth G1 (N=20, 10 N/A) 10 (50%) 5 (25%) 5 (25%) G2 (N=9) 1 (11%) 5 (56%) 3 (33%) It is interesting that praying seems to be primarily associated with the declared mother tongue of both groups followed by both languages. It is notable that almost the same percentage of G1 subjects (50%) claim to pray in Hungarian as G2 speakers in English (56%). This correlation seems to be in line with the assumption that the concept of praying is strongly associated with the notion of the mother tongue. Praying as a function, presumably, is associated more with the values that language use embodies, and less with the actual use of it?®°, It is also noteworthy that while one third of G1 subjects (N=10) gave no response to the question “In what language do you pray?”, there was no missing data in the G2 group. In terms of language use for cursing, the following tendencies have been observed. Table 34: Language use for cursing in the Gl vs. G2 groups Responses 1- In Hungarian 2 - In English 3-Inboth G1 (N=17, 13 N/A) 9 (52%) 3 (18%) 5 (30%) G2 (N=9) 0 5 (56%) 4 (44%) Cursing, similar to praying, also seems closely associated with declared mother tongues. It is interesting that while no G2 subject claims to curse only in Hungarian, a small proportion of G1 (18%) speakers curses in English. Once again the high number of non-applicable data (13) in the G1 sample is also worth considering. It shows that cursing as a function might seem incompatible with the value-centered, purist attitude to the Hungarian mother tongue. Attitudes to the act of code-switching Question 27 of the survey, “What do you think of mixed language use?” investigates subjects’ attitude to code-switching. Respondents have been 280 AlSahafi - Barkhuizen, Language use in an immigrant context, New Zealand Studies in Applied Linguistics, 61 e 133"