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Political communication and populism ] 145 conseguences do not depend on normative aspects (Strömbáck and Esser 2014, 251-252). In other words, mediatisation does not have a starting or end point, but is influenced by the events to which politicians adapt for the sake of their success. Politicians use this compelling force, which eventually ends in self-representation, as "self-initiated stage management and media friendly packaging” (Esser 2013, 162). Self-mediatisation is one of the main features in populist politicians’ communication throughout Europe today. POPULIST POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN EUROPE Notwithstanding country differences, European democracies seem to be generally affected by political populism (Albertazzi and McDonnell 2008). Two approaches towards populism can be distinguished here. The first one defines the identity of populist political actors and identifies elements that may explain their existence and influence through the way they communicate. The other explores populist political communication’s core features and how political actors utilise populist political communication. The first perspective focuses on populist political actors, while the second on populist communication techniques, tactics, styles, and rhetoric. The extent to which specific political players participate in populist communication makes inferences regarding the prevalence and pervasiveness of populist political communication, and with regard to which political actors are considered to be populist (Stanyer et al. 2017). Populist political actors in Europe are often equated with far-right, antiimmigration behaviours and nationalism. Examples include the Austrian Freedom Party, Vlaams Belang (Belgium), the National Rally (France), Golden Dawn (Greece), Fidesz- Hungarian Civic Alliance (Hungary), the Party for Freedom (the Netherlands), the Progress Party (Norway), Law and Justice (Poland), the Democratic Renewal Party (Portugal), or the Swedish Democrats. Some of them are regionalists, too, such as Lega Nord (Italy) or the Platform for Catalonia (Spain, dissolved in 2019). Although these parties are easily identified as populists in Europe, they are not the only political actors characterised as such. Several parties and movements, including ANO (previously Action of Dissatisfied Citizens) in the Czech Republic, the Five Star Movement in Italy, the 12" of March Movement in Portugal, or Podemos in Spain, have capitalised in similar ways on widespread discontent generated by corruption scandals and the implementation of unpopular policies. These parties and movements frequently promise the revitalisation of political processes and more direct forms of democracy (Stanyer et al. 2017, 356). Asa result, consistent ideology is not a distinguishing trait of populist political actors in Europe. Some are extreme right, others are far left, and some are in the middle of the political spectrum. Several populist actors combine right-wing and populist elements
