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022_000125/0000

European Partitives in Comparison

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Author
Iman Al Siyabi, Maris Camilleri, Réka Hajner, Martin Janečka, Nadežda Kabaeva, Kata Kubínyi, Erzsébet Panka, Dóra Põdör, Jack Rueter, Anna Tamm
Field of science
Nyelvészet / Linguistics (13024), Tipológiai, történeti és összehasonlító nyelvészet / Typological, historical and comparative linguistics (13026)
Series
Collection Karoli
Type of publication
tanulmánykötet
022_000125/0025
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022_000125/0025

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EUROPEAN PARTITIVES IN COMPARISON Another instance where disagreement with a definite object gives rise to partitive reading is illustrated in (16). The demonstrative pronoun az ‘that’ with an objective verb form, has a total reading; it cannot be interpreted as a subset of any superset (16a). With the disagreeing, subjective, verb form, on the contrary, the interpretation is partitive. This means that the interpretation of az ‘that’ is like that of the superset of a covert subset (16b).*” (16) Hungarian (Finno-Ugric, Ugric) a. Az-t rendel-te, ami-t Janos. that-ACC order-PST.35G>3 what-Acc John ‘She ordered the same [e.g., food] as John! b. Az-t rendel-t, ami-t Janos. that-Acc order-PsT.3sG what-Acc John ‘She ordered some of the same [e.g., food] as John! Also, one of the proper partitive constructions — maximal pronominal partitives in Falco and Zamparelli*® — can be subject to “reinterpretation via disagreement”. In this case, illustrated in (17), the Hungarian object agreement provides a new detail to consider, or a dimension, in examining the semantic and discourse properties of partitives, the inclusion of the speaker or the addressee in the subset (or their exclusion from the superset). In (17), it is the choice between object (i.e., default) and subject (ie., irregular) agreement that determines the availability of the inclusive interpretation. In (17b), the irregular, subject agreement pattern leads to the inclusive interpretation. The objective, default, agreement in (17a) remains neutral as far as inclusivity is concerned. (17) Hungarian (Finno-Ugric, Ugric) a. Csak kettö-nk-et hiv-tak meg. only tWo-1PL-ACC invite-PST.3PL>3 PV ‘Only (the) two of us were invited’ (Speaker either included or not.) b. Csak kettő-nk-et hív-tak meg. only tWo-1PL-ACC invite-PST.3PL PV ‘Only the two of us were invited’ (Speaker included.) Another context where a proper partitive construction can be interpreted as an inclusive construction is shown in (18). In this possessive construction, if the possessed noun exhibits default agreement with the (over or covert, 59 Klemm: Magyar történeti mondattan, 127; Bartos: Az inflexiós jelenségek, 758. 10 Falco — Zamparelli: Partitives, 7. s 24 +

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