Page 43 [43]
REFLECTIONS ON THE REVIVAL OF KHÖGSHIN KHÜREE
Informants 1 and 2 explained how their temples were "registered" with Gandan
and how they attended the twice yearly meetings of Abbots and Temples’ Heads:
Informant 2 — “when Gandan announces when some meetings and conferences on
particular topics and issues for instance: monks’ issues and astrology then the temple
joins;” Informant | — “generally for Dharma activities. I would say ... collabora¬
tion with Gandan. Like Parliament, we have Council of Abbots, this is like decision
making body consists of abbots of all local monasteries.”
Informant 3 had made frequent attempts to contact the Gandan monk in charge
of liaison with local monasteries to request “registration but his approaches had
been ignored. He was anxious to have his temple recognised as the genuine revival
of Khégshin khiiree and his frustration was palpable. I had texted the said monk,
as I had known him since my first visit to Mongolia, to ask him for the telephone
number of the temple head of the revival of Khögshin khüree. He sent a text back
with Informant 1’s phone number. I was not able to follow up with him as he had
recently gone overseas for several months.
Despite this Informant 3 and Ven. NB were determined to create, what they called
“a fixed place for the revival” in which they would re-instate and spread the traditions
and worship the protector Mahakala (Gombo Makhgal) of the area and of Khégshin
khiiree. They want the temple to be a place for lay people to practice Dharma and for
the younger generation to have access to a “proper place“ of Buddhist knowledge.
Unlike most active temples in Mongolia today, this temple claims not to have
a prayer tariff — but asks devotees to offer whatever they can. During both my visits
devotees were constantly arriving with one of the monks doing püjas for individuals
or small family groups. When I asked Informant 3 why local people seek out the
monks I was told most come to have prayers done to improve their lot in life. Other
reasons given were to help them with problems in everyday life such as death,
sickness and disputes or more specifically Mongolian cultural reasons such as the
hair cutting date for a baby, making a stamp on a horse or blessing a horse before
a Naadam race. My other two informants also gave these reasons. Informant 1 made
an interesting connection between the overall economic condition of the community
and the reasons given for requesting prayers: “60-70% out of the total devotees come
to request prayers and help for making their work and businesses successful and
request blessings for their activities and work. The Buddhist temples, monasteries are
like social barometers — when livelihood is better, people tend to come for weddings
or when they experience some problems like death and sickness.”
At the time of my visit there were ten monks in Gundu Yondon Rawjaalin coming
from Khentii, Dornod and Ulaanbaatar: one had studied in Nepal, another completed
a university degree in Buddhist studies, another monk graduated from the Mongolian
Institute of Buddhist Art and two more were from other religious institutions. They,
as did Informant | when his monastery was fully active, practice the traditional
Gelugpa cycle of daily, monthly and annual rituals and ceremonies: daily khural or
Tsogchin; the ceremonies of the 8", 15", 19%, 25", 29" and 30" auspicious (diiichen)
days of the lunar month; the great annual ceremonies including /kh yerGol at Tsaagan
sar (Lunar New Year), a ceremony on the 14" day of Zsaagan sar to commemorate
41