Page 381 [381]
378
Barbara Derler
years earlier and, to some extent, photographic dynasties have been established,
which are still part of the cultural memories of Bulgaria and Serbia. On the con¬
trary, in Sarajevo not a single photographic dynasty is evident before 1918. In the
future, it will have to be explored why and under which circumstances local studio
photography developed later here than in other comparable cities.
When talking about visualization processes and the perception of the Sara¬
jevans, we should also take a look at the cities" population development in order to
understand the social structure. From 1879 to 1910, the percentage of the Muslim
population in Sarajevo decreased from about 70% to about 36% (Landesregierung
fiir Bosnien und die Hercegovina 1880, 1896, 1912). In contrast, the percentage of
the Christian population increased during the same period from around 20% to
around 51%. Especially the growth of the Catholic people was robust, from 3% of
the total population in 1879 to around 35% thirty years later. The Jewish popula¬
tion increased somewhat more slowly, from 10% to 12%. Other religious affiliations
played a marginal role in 1879 and represented only around 1% of the total popula¬
tion in 1910 (Ibidem).
This shift of population by religious affiliation reflects a shift in social struc¬
ture. The political change, which was triggered in 1878, altered the elites: Mus¬
lims made up the majorities in almost all Bosnian cities, but they were also most
affected by the economic stagnation at that time, which turned them into the
losers by the end of this transition period. The Muslims lost their position of
advantage and saw themselves on a similar political and social level as the Chris¬
tian population, which, in contrast, experienced gradual advancement (Dizaja
1994). It can be attested that, after 1878, the new elite represented men from all
religious groups. As a matter of course, immediately after the occupation, the
elite was formed by public officers from Austria-Hungary, but later on, locals and
members of all different groups would form the bourgeois elite in the city, too.
Consequently, it is an interesting question how the different elites are represent¬
ed in studio photography, which was in its early years exclusively a bourgeois phe¬
nomenon. Concerning Sarajevo, this may mean that all three elite groups (Muslim,
Orthodox, and Catholic) may have accepted and used photography despite religious
affiliation. However, for the period of examination I was able to identify only 129
studio portraits out of 800 photographs. Since portraits were created primarily for
private purposes, it may not be surprising that such a small number of images had
found their way into the archive. A large number of photographs is probably still
in private hands." But it could also imply a skeptical approach of the Sarajevans
toward photography.
!! Around 1878, a large number of Bosnian Muslims left the country (DZaja 1994: 60). Most prob¬
ably I will find private photographs of former Muslim representatives of the Ottoman Empire in family
albums in Turkey.