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022_000125/0000

European Partitives in Comparison

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Auteur
Iman Al Siyabi, Maris Camilleri, Réka Hajner, Martin Janečka, Nadežda Kabaeva, Kata Kubínyi, Erzsébet Panka, Dóra Põdör, Jack Rueter, Anna Tamm
Field of science
Nyelvészet / Linguistics (13024), Tipológiai, történeti és összehasonlító nyelvészet / Typological, historical and comparative linguistics (13026)
Series
Collection Karoli
Type of publication
tanulmánykötet
022_000125/0024
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022_000125/0024

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INTRODUCTION TO EUROPEAN PARTITIVES IN COMPARISON Note that in dialects, also the 3"! person form bennük(-et) [in(side).3PL-Acc] exists.?6 So far, we have discussed the strategies that Hungarian — along with several of its kindred languages — mainly employs in the morphosyntax of proper partitive phrases. Some of the proper partitive subtypes, listed by Falco and Zamparelli,*’ diverge from them. There is considerable variation also crosslinguistically, even between closely related languages, as to how one or another subtype of the proper partitive phrase is encoded. Providing a list of the formand-meaning correlations in the phrasal domain will be left for further study, and we examine now two phenomena in the domain of sentences that relate to the proper partitive concept. One of the phenomena that interact with proper partitives in Hungarian is verb agreement. In Hungarian, proper partitivity interacts both with objectverb agreement and with agreement in conventional possessive domains. The basis for the interaction is the choice between default (or regular) and semantic (or irregular) agreement patterns: using the semantic, that is, the so-called “disagreement” pattern, a partitive reading can be assigned to a formally non-partitive construction. Like several other Uralic languages, Hungarian has two verbal paradigms: intransitive verbs and transitive verbs with indefinite objects take the so-called subjective form, and transitive verbs with definite objects the so-called objective form. Thus, objects like the one in (15a) trigger object agreement, since a possessively inflected head noun is definite by default. In other words, the default agreement pattern allows for both the ‘whole’ and the ‘part-of-the-whole’ reading (‘my three trees’ versus ‘three of my trees’), but with the disagreement pattern (15b), the interpretation of the referent is partitive.** (15) Hungarian (Finno-Ugric, Ugric) a. Három fa-m-at kivág-ta. three tree-1PL-ACC PV.cut-PST.3SG53 ‘She has cut down my three trees / three of my trees! b. Három fá-m-at kivág-ott. three tree-1PL-ACC PV.cut-PST.3SG "She has cut down three of my trees! 36 József Végh: A bennéket őket" jelentésben való használatáról [On the use of bennéket with the meaning them], Magyar Nyelv 49 (1953), 171-3. 37 Falco — Zamparelli: Partitives. 38 Klemm: Magyar történeti mondattan, 123—4; Huba Bartos: Az inflexiós jelenségek szintaktikai hättere [The Syntactic Background of Inflection Phenomenal, in F. Kiefer (ed.), Strukturdlis magyar nyelvtan 3. Morfológia, Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 2000, 747-752. .23 +

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