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THE IMPACT OF LANDSCAPE AND CLIMATE ON THE DENESULINE RELIGION
Denesuline had not had any concept or belief of the afterlife, they clearly would
not have imposed such a ban on these animals. If the deceased person were
simply deceased, then eating the animal that consumed the dead body of the
deceased, or an animal of the same species would not be a problem. Further¬
more, without a strong vision of afterlife in a place as harsh as northern Can¬
ada, by creating and maintaining this taboo, the Denesuline were depriving
themselves of a significant food source.
Another taboo animal is the moose. Again, Hearne does not share any
details, however, he notes that the buffalo and the bison are very popular ani¬
mals because all of their parts can be used. He compares them to the moose,
which possesses similar qualities in most other tribes, but not in the Denesuline
nation. Instead, Hearne mentions that they do not resort to moose meat out
of respect for the animal (174). Dogs were also a strict taboo among the Dene¬
suline. Any consumption of the animal’s body entailed immediate punishment.
So much so that it was considered unclean to eat any part of the animal’s body
and it was believed that anyone who did so would be unsuccessful when hunt¬
ing (Hearne 211).
The influence of the environment can also be observed in other customs
and traditions. Hearne’s text refers to records of Matonabbee “purchasling] an
other wife” (70) and to the prevalence of polygamy among indigenous people
several times. James Smith also describes this custom among the Denesuline
as a brother-in-law marriage. He sees it as a survival strategy® (Smith, Econo¬
mic Uncertainty 81). At the same time, other historians, such as Kerry Abel?
believe that it was not as widespread a practice as Hearne’s description implies,
but rather something that only successful hunters like Matonabbee could afford
(20).
Adaptation to climatic conditions is not solely reflected in the belief system
and religious concepts of the Denesuline, but also in their biology. Hearne
places the native women’s fertility below that of European women. “Providen¬
tially”, he says, they have “only” five or six children, who are born every two
or three years: “Providence is very kind in causing these people to be less
prolific than the inhabitants of civilized nations” (Hearne 208). What Hearne
is referring to as “Providence” is actually an evolutionary anthropological
phenomenon. In environments characterized by harsh living conditions and
inadequate nutrition, women’s bodies have adapted to only be capable of bear¬
ing a child every two or three years. This adaptation ensures that pregnancies
occur at intervals that maximize the chances of survival for both the mother
8 “The practice of the levirate and sororate among the eastern bands, now rare (although per¬
mitted by civil law if it does not involve polygyny), is also indicative of the importance of the
continuing association of families and groups.”
° Adjunct professor of the department of History in Carlington University.
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