the Berkeley School.” Their research methodologies also differ.** According
to Cosgrove and Jackson, a vast array of sources can be used to study
geography when the latter is understood as a “cultural construction.”* In fact,
“methodologies which are more interpretive than strictly morphological”
are said to be necessary to correctly apply cultural geography’s more recent
framework:
If landscape is regarded as a cultural [...] way of representing or symbolizing
human surroundings, then landscapes may be studied across a variety of media
and surfaces: in paint on canvas, writing on paper, images on film as well as in
earth, stone, water and vegetation on the ground [...] each or any of these allows
us to disclose the meanings that human groups attach to areas and places and to
relate those meanings to other aspects and conditions of human existence."
In accordance with the above, this paper will rely on books, speeches, articles,
and opinion pieces to better understand the meanings Lévesgue and the PO
attached to Québec during the Quiet Revolution and how said meanings
excluded notions of Indigenous territorial sovereignty within La belle province.
It would be a mistake to assume that this paper’s application of cultural
geography to Québec is at all novel. Since the province functions as a site of
“dominance and subordination” between varied cultural groups (Canadians of
French descent, Canadians of British descent, Indigenous persons, recent ethnic
and cultural immigrants, religious communities, etc.), Québec’s landscape has
proven to be fertile ground for cultural geographers.*° The Quiet Revolution
was especially conducive to research rooted in the ‘new’ cultural geography
mentioned above.*” As Mario Bédard explains in “La géographie culturelle
québécoise,” this is because the previous decades did not permit Québec
to develop nor to study its own cultural geography.°® Ihe “Great Darkness”
brought about by Maurice Duplessis’ conservative policies left the province
burdened by financial and religious responsibilities too heavy to permit
cultural self-identification — let alone the study of self-identification.?? This all
changed in the 1960s when the halls of Québec’s universities began filling with
students interested in studying the province’s “human experience [...] known to
Price-Lewis, The Reinvention, 1-17; Cosgrove-Jackson, New Directions, 95-101.
Price-Lewis, The Reinvention, 3-4.
Cosgrove-Jackson, New Directions, 96.
35 Ibid.
Jackson, Maps of Meaning, xi; Bédard, La géographie culturelle québécoise, 219-242; Pierre
Anctil, René Lévesque et les communautés culturelles, in: René Lévesque: Mythes et réalités,
ed. Alexandre Stefanescu, Montréal, VLB éditeur, 2008, 178-201.
Bédard, La géographie culturelle québécoise, 219-242.
38 Ibid., 220-222.
39 Ibid., 220-221.