Oldal 41 [41]
REFLECTIONS ON THE REVIVAL OF KHÖGSHIN KHÜREE
the Kalacakra Temple (Dechingalaw or Diiinkhor), which was not in Gandan in the
past. (It was in the monastic quarter of Dsvitin khtiree.) In contrast another temple
that was in Gandan, Lamrim Temple, has been re-established outside the grounds
and jurisdiction of Gandan.
The monks in the third revival of Khégshin khiiree contrast their position with
that of the Temple Head of the city centre revival (Informant 1). These third reviv¬
ers had been monks in the first revival unlike the monk who instigated the second
revival. In their eyes, he had “no connection” to the old monastery. They do not feel
the second reviver had a genuine basis for a revival: he had not had the mantle of
the monastery passed on to him by the old monks rather being asked by the leader
of the civil authority to re-start the revival. They reject the idea that Informant 1’s
“conversations” with Ven. Luwsandamba when he was very elderly represent an
authentic transmission of the old monastery’s practices and rituals. This rejection of
the second revival’s legitimacy seems to be at the core of the movement to establish
the third revival of the old monastery.
So it was on 25 May 2013 on Sergelen hill then a quiet area on the edge of Ba¬
ganuur, Informant 3 with Ven. NB and four others, supported by some monks who
trained in Yengar Shaddiiwdarjaalin and now practice in Ulaanbaatar, established the
Gundu Yondon Rawjaalin as a revival of Khégshin khiiree: “In 2013 (the) monastery
was established by the last disciples of the Khôgshin khüree including myself and
Ven. NB. We discussed to revive the old monastery due to the advices and instruc¬
tions given by the old practitioners (former monks ofthe khüree). We also found it is
essential re-organize the traditional prayers specially Protectors’ Prayers. Any places
and lands are protected by certain Protectors and also to re-introduce the prayers and
püjas, which were held at the Khögshin khüree. Mahäkäla known as Gombo (Tib.
mgon po) in Mongolia is the main Protector of the monastery.”
They considered reviving the monastery on the site of the old monastery but felt
it was too remote from the people given its location so far from the city. The mo¬
nastery revivals in the swm centres rather than on the old site are always explained
in the same way and reflect a pragmatic and non-sentimental attitude on the part of
the Mongolian monks involved: revived temples would only thrive where there is
economic support either with herds or a sufficient number of people reflecting the
age-old symbiotic relationship between monastery, the land and believers — to serve
them and to be supported by them. In the past most monasteries particularly the great
ones like Khégshin khiiree had animal herds to sustain the monastic community with
funds or goods in kind also being raised from rich donors and the local people when
needed. In those days the great monasteries were the only built settlements and acted
as a focus for the nomadic people as well as for Chinese traders who brought much
valued goods from China and built the stone temples.
In the post 1990 era a different economic base had to be sought by the revivers of
the monasteries and this is found in the settled communities in the district and pro¬
vince centres: hence the economic imperative to revive a monastery in a sum centre
rather than in the sparsely populated countryside. Monasteries moving location is
perfectly in line with Mongolian history and many such examples were found in the
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