Page 279 [279]
OCR
OT EVERYONE CAN MOVE TO THE COUNTRYSIDE "Nor E Can M C " 277 capitalist economy. In short, they reflect on everything that was identified above as the main problems of cities (energy, transportation, food supply, etc.).° The movement believes that local innovative solutions can trigger systemic change. They have realized that today’s industrial society has too many shackles hindering its transformation into a sustainable future, so individuals must take steps and develop the necessary skills at the level of the community. It is no accident that in both their narrative and activity, relocation holds a significant role in every aspect of life. In their 2014 study in Totnes, Garrett Boudinot and Todd LeVasseur inquired into the value order and ethics of the movement’s members , and the changes they effected in their ways of life. They used qualitative methods to examine the members’ affective, normative and ethical motivations. The results have revealed that the participants are driven by ecocentric norms and ethics, on the one hand. On the other, a deep-rooted anthropocentrism could also be exposed, insomuch as the need for change was motivated by the self-interest of subsistence (Anderson 2012: 342; cited by Boudinot — LeVasseur 2016: 385). The economic functioning of the community is determined by energy-effective activity and short supply chains along the basic principle of the fair share of permaculture. As for their political views, the individuals do not adopt official political ideologies. They display a wide spectrum of diverse political views from idealistic socialism to “simply just green”, but a sort of common — critical — stance toward the current political establishment is evident. They also have a wide variety of spiritual faiths and practices, from Tibetan Buddhism through neo-paganism to Quakerism.’ The co-researchers have concluded that these identity elements, feelings, and views bolster and reinforce the values of the movement in the individuals and serve as important inspiration for action (Boudnot — LeVasseur 2016). The message of the Transition Towns movement is not new. Many argue that it is just a new name and that it does not differ one bit from similar, previously existing endeavors such as ecovillages, co-housing, bioregionalism, etc. Others hold that there are aspects which differentiate it, namely the style and “mode of presentation”: the openly positive vision of the Transitionists, which does not resort to a dark vision of the future or the prophetic tone often adopted by green and ecological life reformist movements (on this, see the chapter on ecovillages). To use Hopkins’ simile: it is far more inspiring to invite one’s friends to an exciting vacation than to a weekend full of vicissitudes (Hopkins 2008). The message of the movement is about a positive post-capitalist future and a commitment to a political process full of joy (cited in Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6);° it is based on Molly Scott Cato and Jean Hillier emphasize that the manual of the movement, Transition Handbook, published by Hopkins in 2008, carries the subtitle From oil dependency to local resilience, which accurately defines the essence and objective of Transition Towns: to reduce fossil energy use and to strengthen local communities (Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6). They found the countercultural attitude clearly present in the Totnes group, or Hippie town, as some called it. The designation Hippie was also heard in connection with Transition Wekerle in Hungary, plainly with negative connotations (see Longhurst — Pataki 2015). Molly Scott Cato and Jean Hillier illustrated with an example the positive and joyful attitude of the Transitionists: In the Lancaster group of the Transitionists, only two basic rules were laid down: one stipulates that they always have to be kind to each other; the other is that cakes must be provided for every meeting (Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6).
