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capitalist economy. In short, they reflect on everything that was identified above
as the main problems of cities (energy, transportation, food supply, etc.).°
The movement believes that local innovative solutions can trigger systemic
change. They have realized that today’s industrial society has too many shackles
hindering its transformation into a sustainable future, so individuals must take
steps and develop the necessary skills at the level of the community. It is no accident
that in both their narrative and activity, relocation holds a significant role in every
aspect of life.
In their 2014 study in Totnes, Garrett Boudinot and Todd LeVasseur inquired
into the value order and ethics of the movement’s members , and the changes they
effected in their ways of life. They used qualitative methods to examine the
members’ affective, normative and ethical motivations. The results have revealed
that the participants are driven by ecocentric norms and ethics, on the one hand.
On the other, a deep-rooted anthropocentrism could also be exposed, insomuch
as the need for change was motivated by the self-interest of subsistence (Anderson
2012: 342; cited by Boudinot — LeVasseur 2016: 385). The economic functioning
of the community is determined by energy-effective activity and short supply
chains along the basic principle of the fair share of permaculture. As for their
political views, the individuals do not adopt official political ideologies. They
display a wide spectrum of diverse political views from idealistic socialism to
“simply just green”, but a sort of common — critical — stance toward the current
political establishment is evident. They also have a wide variety of spiritual faiths
and practices, from Tibetan Buddhism through neo-paganism to Quakerism.’ The
co-researchers have concluded that these identity elements, feelings, and views
bolster and reinforce the values of the movement in the individuals and serve as
important inspiration for action (Boudnot — LeVasseur 2016).
The message of the Transition Towns movement is not new. Many argue that
it is just a new name and that it does not differ one bit from similar, previously
existing endeavors such as ecovillages, co-housing, bioregionalism, etc. Others
hold that there are aspects which differentiate it, namely the style and “mode of
presentation”: the openly positive vision of the Transitionists, which does not resort
to a dark vision of the future or the prophetic tone often adopted by green and
ecological life reformist movements (on this, see the chapter on ecovillages). To
use Hopkins’ simile: it is far more inspiring to invite one’s friends to an exciting
vacation than to a weekend full of vicissitudes (Hopkins 2008). The message of
the movement is about a positive post-capitalist future and a commitment to a
political process full of joy (cited in Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6);° it is based on
Molly Scott Cato and Jean Hillier emphasize that the manual of the movement, Transition
Handbook, published by Hopkins in 2008, carries the subtitle From oil dependency to local resilience,
which accurately defines the essence and objective of Transition Towns: to reduce fossil energy
use and to strengthen local communities (Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6).
They found the countercultural attitude clearly present in the Totnes group, or Hippie town, as
some called it. The designation Hippie was also heard in connection with Transition Wekerle in
Hungary, plainly with negative connotations (see Longhurst — Pataki 2015).
Molly Scott Cato and Jean Hillier illustrated with an example the positive and joyful attitude of
the Transitionists: In the Lancaster group of the Transitionists, only two basic rules were laid down:
one stipulates that they always have to be kind to each other; the other is that cakes must be
provided for every meeting (Scott Cato — Hillier 2011: 6).