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116 JUDIT FARKAS Another important development to be considered is the variety of responses to the environmental crisis by civil society, activists, policy-makers, etc. Similarly to the nature concepts of both jungle and city dwellers’ and their communities, the above-mentioned movements and social phenomena are also important fields of study for anthropology. As a result, new trends have evolved in anthropology, such as environmentalist anthropology, activist ecology, political ecology, etc. Ecological anthropology, environmental anthropology The differences between ecological and environmental anthropology are not unanimously agreed upon in the environmental literature. Some authors treat them as one; others separate them; others still view environmental anthropology as a subdiscipline of ecological anthropology (Borsos 2002; Little 1999). Those in favor of differentiation hold that ecological anthropology continues to make attempts to bring into a single explanatory system, building on the methodology and results of related disciplines (archaeology, biology, linguistics, historical science) and integrating new themes (globalization and neo-colonialism, eco-colonialism, environmental racism and human rights, biodiversity and cultural diversity, ecological awareness, distribution of energy resources, etc.) (Borsos 2004: 67-68). This approach views environmental anthropology as an applied science which uses ecological anthropological knowledge in practice: "it tries to help the solution of local and global environmental problems, using the theories and methods of anthropology” (Townsend 2000: 106; Borsos 2004: 71). Conrad Kottak calls environmental anthropology “new ecological anthropology” and claims that anthropology must re-interpret itself because — owing to population growth and the transnational flow of people, trade, organizations and information — there are no longer territorial groups in contact with a single given ecosystem. By the same token, anthropologists must pay attention to the external organizations and forces (such as governments, NGOs and businesses) which lay claim to local and regional ecosystems throughout the world. Therefore, environmental anthropology must blend theory and analysis with political awareness and policy concerns (Kottak 1999: 25-26). Carole Crumley argues in the same vein, stating that the Anthropology and Environment Section of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) was not founded by chance in 1996. By then, the environmental problems had become obvious through instances such as El Nino and their multiplication made it evident that there was serious trouble. The section was founded by researchers motivated by anxiety for the environment, many of them also participants in diverse kinds of environmental activism. The aim was to Works in cognitive anthropology also deem important the study of the nature-related cultural model of those living in static societies, because although they don’t live ,,in the lap of nature” , they still perceive and interpret their environment, including the natural environment (see Kempton 2001). This is particularly intriguing for those involved in environmental movements, activities, and environmental development policies, who may — with good intentions — impose their models and ideas on other groups. There is usually a great difference in power between the above-mentioned policy makers and smaller local groups and in this process local knowledge and interest may get lost. We shall return to this topic in discussing the role of anthropology.
