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CHAPTER 8 OVERALL SUMMARY and second-generation speakers’ collective code-switching patterns as they form two sociolinguistically distinct groups. Therefore, the socio-cognitive notion of Optimality cannot be shared by the two subcommunities, and, thus, the community specific ranking governing the interaction of constraints cannot be shared, either. We have seen that Hungarian language competence as well as language use significantly declines in the second generation (Chapter 7). Also, I have demonstrated (Chapter 7) that second-generation speakers have a more pragmatic attitude to cherishing the Hungarian language as well as to the act of code-switching. As a result of their declined Hungarian competence, I have shown that for second-generation speakers code-switching serves the function of complementing their reduced Hungarian competence (Chapter 7). As instances of code-switching prompted by the lack of Hungarian competence have been excluded from Bolonyai and Bhatt’s model, they have also been excluded from my investigation. Therefore, the qualitative analysis of code-switching patterns — with a view to testing the ranking of constraints governing the interaction of code-switching proposed by Bolonyai and Bhatt — has been conducted only in the first-generation group. Relying on the results of the sociolinguistic analysis, the examined Hungarian-American immigrant community (Chapter 7) has been characterized as an aging community of high socio-economic status in the host society. The importance and the practice of cherishing the Hungarian language and culture are shared among members, mostly because the culture of their mother tongue is seen as some prestigious cultural heritage. They are keen on attending Hungarian cultural events and organizations mainly because they can meet their fellow Hungarians. At the same time, there is a pragmatic attitude to the English language as a means of becoming fully integrated in the host society. Hungarian language use is prevalent in Gl group, however, their children, G2 members tend to use Hungarian only with their parents. This community is in the phase of gradual language loss, where the first generation makes all the efforts to pass on Hungarian language and traditions to their children, but with the exception of some families who can afford to spend half a year in the USA and half a year in Hungary, these efforts are hardly efficient. Second-generation speakers preserve some traces of their Hungarian cultural and linguistic heritage, but language is not central in expressing their identity and is least likely to be passed on to their children. Rather, they view bilingualism and biculturalism as the most appropriate means of expressing their identity. That is the reason why they have a more natural, less judgmental attitude to code-switching than their G1 counterparts. Having analyzed the code-switching practices of Gl speakers, I have demonstrated that the sociopragmatic functions related to Perspective-taking is the most prevalent followed by Faith-related functions (Chapter 7). As the * 182 ¢
