Oldal 135 [135]
Responses 1- In Hungarian 2 - In English 3-Inboth
G1 (N=20, 10 N/A) 10 (50%) 5 (25%) 5 (25%)
G2 (N=9) 1 (11%) 5 (56%) 3 (33%)
It is interesting that praying seems to be primarily associated with the declared
mother tongue of both groups followed by both languages. It is notable that
almost the same percentage of G1 subjects (50%) claim to pray in Hungarian
as G2 speakers in English (56%). This correlation seems to be in line with the
assumption that the concept of praying is strongly associated with the notion
of the mother tongue. Praying as a function, presumably, is associated more
with the values that language use embodies, and less with the actual use of
it?®°, It is also noteworthy that while one third of G1 subjects (N=10) gave no
response to the question “In what language do you pray?”, there was no missing
data in the G2 group.
In terms of language use for cursing, the following tendencies have been
observed.
Table 34: Language use for cursing in the Gl vs. G2 groups
Responses 1- In Hungarian 2 - In English 3-Inboth
G1 (N=17, 13 N/A) 9 (52%) 3 (18%) 5 (30%)
G2 (N=9) 0 5 (56%) 4 (44%)
Cursing, similar to praying, also seems closely associated with declared mother
tongues. It is interesting that while no G2 subject claims to curse only in
Hungarian, a small proportion of G1 (18%) speakers curses in English. Once
again the high number of non-applicable data (13) in the G1 sample is also worth
considering. It shows that cursing as a function might seem incompatible with
the value-centered, purist attitude to the Hungarian mother tongue.
Attitudes to the act of code-switching
Question 27 of the survey, “What do you think of mixed language use?”
investigates subjects’ attitude to code-switching. Respondents have been
280 AlSahafi - Barkhuizen, Language use in an immigrant context, New Zealand Studies in
Applied Linguistics, 61
e 133"