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German Jewish Migrations to Great Britain 1933—1939: Remarks on Cultural Otherness
Due to their age, the chances of them entering the labour market were considered
nil. They were also supposed to stay in the care of Jewish organisations, Jewish or¬
phanages, foster families, or in some cases relatives. Because of that they were not
seen as a threat to the social care system. Moreover, after living for some time in
Great Britain, they were expected to become well acquainted with British culture
and later (after the fall of the regime) to serve as links connecting both countries in
cultural, political, or even diplomatic ways.
The number of immigrants arriving in Great Britain by other channels remains
unclear. Nonetheless it is well known that there were numerous cases of German
Jews arriving in the British Isles by other means. There was a reasonably large num¬
ber of women employed as domestic help; other people claimed to have (actually
fictitious) relatives in British cities. The stories of these people are no less interesting
than those of the people arriving as part of the erstwhile projects, and most of the
issues discussed in the further part of the article apply to them as well.
Cultural Otherness
German-Jewish immigrants of all ages faced the issue of cultural otherness, home¬
sickness and alienation. Such feelings are common among immigrants across the
globe, but German-Jewish immigrants at the times of Nazi regime shared a specific
kind of alienation.'°
They came from the country with which Great Britain found itself at war, and
although their experiences differed greatly, some aspects remained common. Most
of them spoke no, or very limited, English upon arrival. They shared the joy of
being away from the war and Nazi ideology, as well as the feeling of alienation in
a country with different culture. Both groups dealt with the problems in different
ways, and both faced different threats.
It is thought that the children found it easier to overcome these difficulties. All
of them, whether living with their relatives, foster families, or in boarding schools,
had to learn the language. They were expected to continue their education in Brit¬
ish schools, and were frequently placed in classes with their British peers. The
teachers, even if they spoke German, were supposed to use only English in classes.
Memoirs and letters written by Kindertransport children (Leverton & Lowensohn
2003) clearly show that for them knowledge of English was a method of commu¬
nication—something they had to learn quickly, to be able to state their needs or
fears. It came easier to the younger children; those who were in their teens recall it
as being harder. The speed of learning also depended on the environment—those
who stayed in orphanages or boarding schools with other Jewish children usu¬
ally needed more time to master the language. Those who did not have any con¬
nection with Yiddish or German learned faster. The accent was not something of
great importance. Most of the children acquired the accent easily; some of them
10 The issue is discussed in a further part of the article.
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