OCR
ENVIRONMENTAL CONFLICTS, SOCIAL RESPONSES 9] environmental protection regarded as binding in the 21 century are ignored. The other category occurs mainly at the local level, in a certain area or settlement, as the outcome of the environmental impact of new developments (investments, constructions, projects). The hierarchy of interests is present in both categories, when the economic and political actors refer to some allegedly higher interest — of the economy or the nation. The interest of the environment — which, as seen above, is also a social interest — after all, clean air, clean and healthy drinking water, a liveable city, welfare and a pleasant landscape should be the interest of everyone —is regularly demoted to a lower rung in this hierarchy. It is not clearly understood whose interest the superior aspects serve, and whether they are indeed to the benefit of the majority. What is more, sometimes the expected profit, the promise of new jobs, higher tax revenues or government/corporate compensation for the settlement conceal the risks of the investment, risks which only surface decades later. SAndor Fülöp (2018) points out that underneath environmental conflicts, one often finds the scarcity of a local government's financial resources. Settlements need money, therefore they sell their land and give up green areas in exchange for fast-food restaurants or supermarkets. Often, the infrastructure of a larger settlement is used by those who do not live there; they visit for the day or for a holiday, and then go home. This means the exposure of local residents to enhanced noise and air pollution, even though they do not have a share of the local government’s increased revenues and, later, the local government is often not interested in strictly controlling the investor’s completed project. The cases of the landfills at Garé and Hidas are well known and caused great uproar. This is where, from the late 1970s, the Budapest Chemical Works deposited its chloric waste (byproducts of tetrachlorobenzene) which contaminated the soil, subterranean water and air of the vicinity owing to incompetent storage. The perilous chloric compound spread for decades before the company started to deal with the issue. As part of the solution, the company planned to build an incinerator in the area. The inhabitants of Garé accepted the plan in return for the compensation offered by the firm, but the residents of small settlements in the region and the famous wine-growing regions (Villány) and tourist centers (Siklós, Harkány) launched a massive protest. The movement thwarted the plan of the incinerator, yet the final revitalization of the area has still not occurred. According to a survey by Greenpeace in 2015, the concentration of potentially carcinogenic tetrachlorobenzenes in the groundwater was 1600 times higher than the normal amount; that of trichlorobenzenes was nearly 1200 times higher. On account of the contamination of the soil and underground water, the South Dunántúl Environmental Inspectorate obligated the BChW to take steps, but these are yet to take place." Those affected (the local population and green organizations) are usually brought into contact with decision-makers through diverse development projects, since these might necessarily imply the transformation of the environment (Kákai 2020). Strategic policy planning began to include elements of sustainable development Toxic substance presence exceeding several thousand times the threshold values in Hidas and Garé — Greenpeace has published data acguired via legal action. Greenpeace https://www.greenpeace. org/hungary/sajtokozlemeny/3302/mergek-a-hatarertekek-tobb-ezerszereseben-hidason-es-garena-greenpeace-nyilvanossagra-hozta-a-kiperelt-adatokat/